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Men who rape

  1. Nov 23, 2006 #1
    It seems more and more common that I find out about someone close to me who has been raped, or occasionally a former associate who has committed rape.

    What approximate percentage of adult males do you believe has raped another person?
  2. jcsd
  3. Nov 23, 2006 #2

    I don't know.
  4. Nov 23, 2006 #3


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    Anytime that you have alcohol and the situation gets to the point where the "foreplay" has started, then there's the possibility of it occuring. It depends on the person in question, if the testosterone levels are high, then you can guess that the man is going to ignore the woman who should have said "no" before things started to get going. The thing is that this type of a setting is prevalent at parties.

    As a fetish, where a man completely isolates himself to a relatively more twisted endeavor, probably very very very few. Such is the substance
    of delusions, and delusions are always unhealthy because they have no real basis.
  5. Nov 24, 2006 #4


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    I'd say like 1% or less.
  6. Nov 24, 2006 #5


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    I'm not even going to hazard a guess. For one thing, the term 'rape' is so ambiguous that most of us here won't totally agree upon the definition. As a 'for instance'... let's say that you get her to the point of having consentual sex, and half-way through she tells you to leave. Is it rape if you keep going?
    (And before some smart-ass pipes up about it, this is not from personal experience. I've never received a standing ovulation, but nobody has kicked me off either. :tongue: )
  7. Nov 24, 2006 #6


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    Depends on cultural factors.
    There will, for example, be a lot more intra-marriage rape (sanctioned by society) in cultures where the male is regarded as the head of the family, who has the "right" to have sexual intercoourse with his wife, than in modern, Western societies.
  8. Nov 24, 2006 #7
    I'm not trying to criticize you personally, but this is part of the problem - men not understanding what constitutes rape and why. However, I think (and know of a few guys) that if you asked a guy if it were a female relative/friend/loved one of his in a situation that seemed "ambiguous" at first, then it would suddenly seem a lot clearer.

    Not sure if you are joking, but yeah, of course it is. Stats on rape and rapists. Seems studies don't always agree.

    http://www.un.org/rights/dpi1772e.htm" [Broken]
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape_on_college_campuses" [Broken]
    http://web.amnesty.org/actforwomen/scandal-index-eng" [Broken]
    http://vip.msu.edu/theCAT/CAT_Author/MPK/colorado.html" [Broken]
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,1795319,00.html" [Broken]
    Stats from - http://www.rainn.org/statistics/punishing-rapists.html" [Broken]

    According to a 1987 study by Mary Koss on the prevalence of rape, 4.5% of men admitted to raping someone.

    http://www.scs.unr.edu/~sapac/myths.htm" [Broken]
    http://pdftohtml.markoer.org/pdf2html.php?url=http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/soo.pdf" [Broken]
    http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0,9294,2-7-1442_2019752,00.html" [Broken]
    Review of Men on Rape
    So, most rapes go unreported and most rapists are repeat offenders. Not sure how many men that adds up to in reality.
    Last edited by a moderator: May 2, 2017
  9. Nov 24, 2006 #8
    Its not that men dont understand what constitutes rape, its that its not clearly defined from culture to culture... In some states in the US you can get arrested for Statutory Rape, even when both youths consented, typically only the men will be arrested for this...

    Anyway, no offence intended to Loren Booda , but the OP question is totally vage, and impossible to give an accurate answer to...
  10. Nov 24, 2006 #9


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    Swerve, so offense taken. I agree with you, with the caveat that Anttech pointed out.
  11. Nov 24, 2006 #10


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    Perhaps a little like this? Good Country People

    Strange story with some perhaps overly transparent names. The differences seem pretty clear to me, but I wouldn't want to kill the story with too many comments on it.
  12. Nov 24, 2006 #11
    Often rape within a family is overlooked, male-male gang rape in prison laughed at, male-female sexual assualt on psych wards written off, and female-male statutory rape applauded.


    Thank you for your voluminous and all too true account of how some men express their shame upon the already disenfranchised gender.

    How does a man's upbringing affect his potential to rape?
  13. Nov 24, 2006 #12
    The rate of forcible (as opposed to statutory) rape is about 0.03% of the population in 2005 for the US. Considering it is almost all men against women, and half the population is women, the commission rate would be twice that, 0.06%.

    Here's the data: http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/05cius/data/table_01.html" [Broken]

    There's a continuum from "consent the night before, but morning after regrets" to dragging someone into an alley with a knife at her throat. If it wasn't bad enough to report, then it probably tended more towards the former and less towards the latter.

    And the statistics are distorted by morning after regrets. There was one infamous report that 25% of college women could expect to be raped before graduation. But that same report contained the curious fact well over half of those who had been raped didn't even realize they had been raped. About half the repondents who said they hadn't reported it (presumably half of those who realized they'd been raped) indicated they did not report it because they didn't want to risk loosing their friendship with the perpetrator. Say what? We obviously aren't talking about knives, here.

    If you restrict the discussion to rapes serious enough to be reported, you find the number suddenly gets very, very small.
    Last edited by a moderator: May 2, 2017
  14. Nov 24, 2006 #13


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    Sure, and women who feel "it's their duty" to give in to the male's insistence aren't really raped, are they?

    Or perhaps, that's what we ought to call it.
  15. Nov 24, 2006 #14


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    Also note that the victim isn't always "innocent" women like to play games and sometimes they go way too far. At my college, there were several instances when the news of a college freshman getting doped and then victimized were on the front page, females shouldn't get themselves into situations like that. This discussion brings the point that sex is a really delicate matter and is hardly "perfectly" consensual.
  16. Nov 24, 2006 #15
    Some woman (believe it or not) actually enjoy the fact that they satisfy their man... If a woman feels it is their duty to marry a man given to them by their parents, and thus consents to sexual relations with that man, and visa versa, are both these men and woman raping each other?
  17. Nov 24, 2006 #16

    Another part of the problem - blaming the victim, making excuses. As for women that like to play games, did you ever consider that it's very likely they do those things because they were sexually abused, probably as children? Geez, does nobody else listen to loveline...
  18. Nov 24, 2006 #17
    Attitudes like those lead to this:
    http://www.rwu.edu/Campus+Life/Student+Services/Counseling+Center/Rape+Myths+and+Facts.htm" [Broken]
    *1 in 12 male students surveyed had committed acts that met the legal definition of rape.
    * 33% of males surveyed said that they would commit rape if they could escape detection.**
    * 25% of men surveyed believed that rape was acceptable if: the woman asks the man out; or the man pays for the date; or the woman goes back to the man's room after the date. ***

    * Koss, M.P. (1988). Hidden Rape: Incidence, Prevalence and descriptive Characteristics of Sexual Aggression and Victimization in a National Sample of College Students. In Burgers, A.W. (ed.) Sexual Assault. Vol II. New York: Garland Publishing Co.

    ** Malamuth, N.M. (1986). Predictors of Natural Sexual Aggression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50, 953-962.

    *** Muehlenhard, C.L., Friedman, D.E. & Thomas, C.M. (1985). Is Date Rape Justifiable? Psychology of Women Quarterly, 9, 297-310
    Last edited by a moderator: May 2, 2017
  19. Nov 24, 2006 #18
    Somewhere in America, a woman is raped approximately every 2 min. However, less than one third of these rapes and sexual assaults are reported to law enforcement officials (U.S. Department of Justice, 1997). In addition, many women who are raped do not identify themselves as rape victims (Kahn, Mathie, & Torgler, 1994; Koss, 1985). One reason that women do not report rape and do not acknowledge being raped might be based in societal stereotypes surrounding sexual violence. Stereotypes about rape victims include the notions that she "asked" to be raped, secretly enjoyed the experience, or lied about it. Rape victims who feel that these stereotypes will be applied to them may be unwilling to report the rape.

    Given the importance of these stereotypes in terms of the victim's experience, a number of studies have examined their impact. Specifically, researchers have been interested in factors that influence victim blaming (see Pollard, 1992, for a review). For instance, a victim of rape is blamed more for her victimization when she has had previous sexual experiences (L'Armand & Pepitone, 1982), which seems related to the stereotype that certain types of women "ask for it" by being promiscuous. Rape victims are blamed more when they resist the attack later in the rape encounter rather than earlier (Kopper, 1996), which seems to suggest the stereotype that these women are engaging in token resistance (Malamuth & Brown, 1994; Muehlenhard & Rogers, 1998) or leading the man on because they have gone along with the sexual experience thus far. Finally, rape victims are blamed more when they are raped by an acquaintance or a date rather than by a stranger (e.g., Bell, Kuriloff, & Lottes, 1994; Bridges, 1991; Bridges & McGr ail, 1989; Check & Malamuth, 1983; Kanekar, Shaherwalla, Franco, Kunju, & Pinto, 1991; L'Armand & Pepitone, 1982; Tetreault & Barnett, 1987), which seems to evoke the stereotype that victims really want to have sex because they know their attacker and perhaps even went out on a date with him. The underlying message of this research seems to be that when certain stereotypical elements of rape are in place, rape victims are prone to being blamed.

    Stereotypical Beliefs: Rape Myths

    Stereotypes about rape victims are often subsumed under what are called rape myths. Burt (1980) defines rape myths as "prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists" (p.217). Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) define rape myths as "attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women" (p. 134). Koss et al. (1994) have argued that rape myths can be subsumed under three themes: victim masochism (e.g., they enjoy/want it), victim precipitation (e.g., they ask for/deserve it, it only happens to certain types of women), and victim fabrication (e.g., they tell lies/exaggerate). Belief in such myths may allow men to justify male sexual violence and women to deny personal vulnerability to rape (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995).

    Rape myth acceptance has generally been thought to be widespread, with various personality (e.g., adversarial sexual beliefs, acceptance of interpersonal violence) and demographic (e.g., gender, race, age) factors predicting the degree to which individuals will accept rape myths (Burt, 1980; Giacopassi & Dull, 1986; Gilmartin-Zena, 1988; Hinck & Thomas, 1999; Johnson, Kuck, & Schander, 1997). For example, one consistent finding in the literature is that males are more accepting of rape myths than are females. This result may reflect defensive attributions, or the idea that individuals tend to blame victims who are dissimilar to themselves (Shaver, 1970). Because most rape victims are women, men feel different from this particular group of victims and are thus more likely to endorse rape myths than are women (Giacopassi & Dull, 1986; Gilmartin-Zena, 1988).

    Evidence from legal verdicts also suggests that rape myths may be widespread (Heise, Pitanguy, & Germain, 1993). For example, most countries outside North America do not legally recognize the possibility of rape occurring within marriage (Koss, Heise, & Russo, 1994). Even within the United States, eight states do not have marital rape laws (Russell, 1998). In the United States, the conviction rate for rape is well below that of other violent crimes (Frazier & Haney, 1996; Williams, 1981). Most rape cases never go to court; they are often dismissed by police (Campbell & Johnson, 1997) or dropped by prosecutors (Frohmann, 1991). It has been suggested (e.g., LaFree, 1989; Sinclair & Bourne, 1998) that rape myth acceptance may play a role in these laws and verdicts that do not validate the victim's experience.

    It is clear that rape myths are present in many individuals (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). It is probable that rape myth acceptance is even higher than has been assessed to date, because of the negative attitudes being below individuals' level of awareness (Bargh, 1996; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995) or to self-censorship of politically incorrect views (Jones & Sigall, 1971). It is also probable that even though individuals may not express high levels of rape myth acceptance, their actual behavior towards rape victims might suggest otherwise (Wicker, 1969).

    On the other hand, perceivers' understanding of the trauma of rape might not necessarily be beneficial for rape victims if that information is used to describe how rape victims should behave. Burgess and Borgida (1999) make a distinction between descriptive and prescriptive gender stereotypes. The descriptive component refers to the characteristics that women do possess (e.g., "Women are nurturing"), whereas the prescriptive component refers to the characteristics that women should possess (e.g., "Women should be nurturing"). Burgess and Borgida argue that although these components are related, they lead to different consequences. Prescriptive stereotypes are considered more hostile and more likely to be related to sexual harassment...

    Other research has examined respondent and victim characteristics that could influence the extent to which victims are perceived to be harmed by rape (King, Rotter, Calhoun, & Selby, 1978; Luginbuhl & Mullin, 1981; Tieger, 1981). For example, one study found that 24% of police officers, 11% of lawyers, 6% of doctors, and 3% of rape counselors agreed that "sexually experienced women are not really damaged by rape" (Ward, 1995). In addition, rape is considered less psychologically harmful to the victim when carried out by a steady date rather than a first date or a stranger (Bridges, 1991)...

    It might seem puzzling at first glance that people could simultaneously believe in rape myths and believe that rape is so harmful. One possibility, discussed earlier, is that these emotional/behavioral reactions listed by participants are in fact rape myths of a different sort. If women are supposed to be negatively affected by rape (Burgess & Borgida, 1999), and if they are less credible when they appear calm (Krulewitz, 1982), then these beliefs may comprise another, relatively unexplored type of rape myth that has detrimental consequences for victims. For example, a jury may be less likely to convict in rape cases if the victim is not crying during her testimony. A woman may not even believe she was raped if she feels her reaction does not measure up to societal standards...

    Alternately, categorization processes may contribute to some individuals' propensity to endorse both myths and emotional/behavioral reactions of the victim. Glick and Fiske (1996) considered this possibility with regard to sexism. They differentiated sexism into two components: hostile (e.g., women are asking for special favors, women exaggerate discrimination, etc.) and benevolent (e.g., women should be protected by men, women should be put on a pedestal, etc.). Individuals who score high in both hostile and benevolent sexism are considered ambivalent sexists. One reason why ambivalent sexism occurs might be because women are subtyped. Certain types of women (e.g., feminists) might represent the hostility component, and other types of women (e.g., homemakers) might represent the benevolent component (Glick, Diebold, Bailey-Werner, & Zhu, 1997). Therefore, when completing the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, individuals may score high on both components because different subtypes of women come to mind.

    ...There is some evidence that women are expected to be visibly upset after a rape (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974; Gilmartin-Zena, 1988; Holmstrom & Burgess, 1983) and to take a long time to recover (Schneider, Ee, & Aronson, 1994). In one study, a rape victim was rated as more credible when she was described as clearly upset rather than controlled and calm the day after the rape (Calhoun, Cann, Selby, & Magee, 1981). Krulewitz (1982) presented students with vignettes describing a rape victim as having either a negative emotional response (anger or guilt) to the rape or as calm and unemotional. Participants identified more with a victim who exhibited an emotional response rather than a victim who remained calm and unemotional. An emotional victim was perceived as less responsible for the rape than a calm victim, and the rape was perceived as more serious when the victim was emotional rather than calm. This study seems to suggest that an emotional response to rape is perceived as normal and appropriate. As mentioned earlier, many victims are nonemotional after being raped (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1978) and may thus encounter insensitivity from observers who believe they should be exhibiting more emotion (e.g., "It must not have been that bad since you aren't crying").

    ...More research is also needed to assess perceptions of the cultural stereotypes surrounding rape victims. The present research suggests that cultural stereotypes are composed primarily of the traditional rape myths. However, females listed significantly more myths than did males, which suggests that females are more knowledgeable about cultural stereotypes surrounding rape than are males. It was suggested above that females may be more knowledgeable due to their experiences with potentially being victims of rape...

    It is clear that rape myths are present in many individuals (e.g., Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Rape myths may be held implicitly by other individuals (e.g., Bargh, 1996; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). Even if many people do not express high levels of rape myth acceptance, their actual behavior toward rape victims may not be concordant with their attitudes (e.g., Sinclair & Bourne, 1998).
    Last edited by a moderator: Apr 22, 2017
  20. Nov 24, 2006 #19


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    Perhaps the main factor and biggest part of the problem. Men who impose or force themselves upon women, don't seem to get it, or maybe they do, but they don't respect women as a persons. :grumpy: :mad:
  21. Nov 24, 2006 #20
    Yep. Men aren't just born this way, their culture teaches them. Another stark example of culture dictating behavior to a high degree is in Pacific Islander cultures where murder is extremely rare, maybe like 1 a year. Apparently, it has to do with a cultural practice of indebtedness to people whom you harm, borrow from, etc. If you kill someone, you and your descendants owe that person's family forever. It extends to competitive, basically, gift giving. If you give someone a gift, you've shown them up and they have to give you something even better to not be indebted to you. Anyhow, you can see that the culture heavily restricts violence or crime of any kind. It seems our culture ennables misogynistic and sexual violence behavior to some degree, just not openly.
    Last edited: Nov 24, 2006
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